Kejriwal to tour Varanasi villages to woo rural voters
Varanasi has five constituencies of which three- Varanasi North, South and Cantonment Assembly segments are largely urban and semi-urban in nature.
The road show will focus on Rohania and Sevapuri Assembly constituencies.
He is also expected to meet his supporters at the Sigra stadium here.
Kejriwal had yesterday accepted the challenge to contest against Modi from this temple city.
Ending weeks of suspense on whether he will directly take on Modi, Kejriwal had made the announcement at a rally here, asserting he wanted to “defeat corrupt people”.
“I am ready to face this challenge, but I will need your support. I don’t have money to contest election. And like Madan Mohan Malviya, who built the Benaras Hindu University, seeking alms from people, even I shall have to do the same way,” he had said.
Accusing Modi of being an “agent” of industrial houses, Kejriwal warned that if he comes to power, “land will be snatched from farmers and given to Adanis and Ambanis at dirt cheap rates. And farmers will have no option but to commit suicide.”
Kejriwal had said that a myth about Modi having developed Gujarat was being perpetuated by a section of media while in reality the BJP leader was gifting away farmers’ land to industrialists and followed policies which were against small businessmen.
He had said 60,000 small and medium enterprises in Gujarat had shut shop, all aimed at benefiting big industrialists
Tamil Nadu’s Jayalalithaa could shape India’s next government
Jayalalithaa’s
AIADMK is one of the many regional groups whose proliferation over the
past two decades has made it impossible for national parties to rule
alone in India. Photo: PTI
Tiruvannamalai: The politics of forming India’s
next government could come down to how many seats a 1960s matinee siren
can wrest from a rival named Stalin in Tamil Nadu.
At stake are 39 parliamentary seats in Tamil Nadu, a state known for
its ancient Hindu temples, its modern auto industry—and a history of
electoral landslides.
With pollsters predicting that no party will win a
majority in the 543-seat parliament, the caucus returned by India’s
sixth-largest state could hold the key to forming a government after the
five-week general election that starts on 7 April.
Tamil Nadu chief minister J. Jayalalithaa—or
‘Jaya’ to her fans—is riding a wave of popularity that could take her
AIADMK party’s seat count to 27, according to one survey, potentially
casting her in a new role as national powerbroker.
Her party is one of many regional groups whose
proliferation over the past two decades has made it impossible for
national parties to rule alone in India. Two more are led by female
firebrands, Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal and Mayawati in Uttar Pradesh.
The portly, fair-skinned Jayalalithaa bears little
resemblance to the singing, dancing heroine of 1960s Tamil cinema. But,
at 68, she is probably more popular than she has ever been.
Hopping around the state by helicopter, she is addressing
enthusiastic crowds, including one last week near Tiruvannamalai, a
holy site where Hindu pilgrims, in an act of devotion, walk around a
mountain barefoot at full moon.
“She is the only one who gives voice to the Tamils,” said
tea seller M.K. Baskran, an AIADMK grassroots organizer, to noisy
agreement from fellow supporters. Others thanked Jayalalithaa for food
handouts that sustained their families.
Pundits in Chennai, the former port of Madras founded by
the British in the 17th century, describe Tamil Nadu as a ‘sweep’ state;
not a swing state. That is the result of another British legacy:
first-past-the-post voting.
“A gap of 4-5 percentage points in the popular vote
between the first and second party gives you a hugely disproportionate
result,” N. Ram, publisher of The Hindu newspaper, told Reuters.
Split like an amoeba
Cinemas in Chennai are screening a digitally restored version of Jayalalithaa’s 1965 movie One Man In A Thousand, in which she plays a damsel in distress saved by leading man M.G. Ramachandran—or ‘MGR’—in the role of a swashbuckling pirate.
As well as bringing her extra publicity, the film revival
holds the key to regional politics: It was actor-turned-politician
Ramachandran who formed the AIADMK party four decades ago when he was
kicked out of the DMK.
“The DMK split was like an amoeba dividing or an
earthworm being cut in two,” said Chennai journalist and commentator
Gnani Sankaran. “These two formations are the major players—always. The
others are minor players—always.”
The DMK is still led by the 89-year-old M. Karunanidhi, who fired Ramachandran in 1972. But it is his son M.K. Stalin—named in honour of the late Soviet dictator—who is leading the party’s rearguard action.
“There’s a wave against the Jayalalithaa government’s
misrule, massive corruption and undemocratic governance,” Stalin told
media last week. Neither party commented to Reuters for this story.
The DMK is, however, riven by in-fighting after quitting
the Congress-led government in New Delhi a year ago. The party on
Tuesday expelled Karunanidhi’s second son, M.K. Alagiri, a former cabinet minister, having banned him from the party slate for disloyalty.
The DMK, the Congress and a minor ally won 27 seats in
Tamil Nadu in the 2009 election. A decade ago, their alliance won all 39
seats, aiding the return to power of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty that has
dominated Indian politics since independence.
Missing out
Congress, isolated, now faces a wipeout in the state. In one sign of looming defeat, finance minister P. Chidambaram has bowed out of contesting his family bailiwick in Tamil Nadu, giving his son the chance to cut his political teeth.
And, although the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is poised
to emerge as the largest parliamentary party—with 195 seats according to
this month’s poll by the NDTV news channel—the Hindu nationalist
opposition party has no base in Tamil Nadu.
Even with its allies, the BJP could fall some 40 seats
short of the 272 needed for a majority in the national parliament,
according to the poll. That is where regional players like Jayalalithaa
come into the equation.
Her reluctance to criticise the BJP’s candidate for prime minister, Narendra Modi, and a past dalliance with his party, suggest she is positioning herself for power and influence in the next government.
“Jayalalithaa is both in the BJP alliance and not in it,”
said N. Sathiya Moorthy, director of the Chennai chapter of the
Observer Research Foundation, a think tank.
Her ability to dictate terms—or even stake a claim to the
premiership—would depend on how big a “last mile” problem the BJP faces
in cobbling together a majority.
A weaker BJP result would strengthen Jayalalithaa’s hand,
as she eyes the alternative of a coalition made up of regional parties,
often referred to as a ‘Third Front’.
“Within these different groups, anyone with 25-30 MPs is
going to be contender for the prime minister’s position,” said
commentator Sankaran. “And if Jayalalithaa has 30 MPs from Tamil Nadu,
she will be able to demand the prime ministership.” Reuters
rahul singh 1
pgdm 1st year
2nd sem
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